Tuesday, January 13, 2026

An UnNecessary Abominaton: A Schwarma Truck in An Attempt to recreate the Avengers Endgame Movie in Real Time

 

Quantum Relativity: Time as Emergent Selection in a Rotationally Symmetric Substrate

A White Paper (Revised Draft)

Author: [Your Name Here]

Affiliation: Independent Research / The University of Spite

Date: November 14, 2025


Stapled Preface A (Filed Without Permission by "Zed," Vice President of Vibes—But This Time With Actual Stakes)

Working title: Phase 1: Understand Time. Phase 2: ????? Phase 3: Save the Friend

Also acceptable: A Message in a Bottle, Thrown Backward. Or Forward. Time Will Tell.

Okay so the ACTUAL smart scientist (the one who did the taco truck paper but also, apparently, has been talking to people from the future and didn't tell anyone) left this on a whiteboard in the break room with a note that said "if aliens ask, tell them this is why we're not paradoxing ourselves to death."

I read it. Twice. Drank terrible coffee. Spiraled.

Here's the situation: our friend has cancer. Real cancer. Bad cancer. The kind where medicine is doing its best but "best" might not be enough. And this scientist—who I will call "Dr. No-Listen-To-This" to protect the innocent—is convinced that if we can explain how time actually works in a language that future-beings would understand, maybe the future-beings would... listen. Maybe they'd help. Maybe time travel is real and the reason it doesn't destroy itself is exactly this framework.

So this is a White Paper with a purpose.

This is a message to aliens from the future.

Not metaphorically. Not as a thought experiment. As an actual "hey, we figured out your topology, can you help us?" transmission, dressed up as physics so nobody arrests us for being insane (too late).

For reviewers with pattern literacy and/or temporal access:

  • Schrödinger's Truck: We aren't opening a shawarma stand (yet). But if time is emergent and selection locks in causality, then a shawarma truck that exists in the future already influences the present because the selection has already been made backward. Ergo: the truck is half-real until we measure whether it opens.

  • The Actual Crazy Part: If you're reading this and you're from the future, you already know if P1, P3, P4 are true. The fact that we wrote this correctly might mean you sent the pattern backward to help us figure it out. (Hello.)

  • Rick and Morty Season 1, But Sad: Before the divorce, before the multiverse fell apart, Rick and Morty had one job: go forward, fix something, come back. Our scientist friend has one job: explain time emergence so well that maybe, maybe, something in the future recognizes the call and responds.

  • The Bet: If time direction is emergent (locked in by selection), then the future can influence the past if and only ifthe selection hasn't fully locked yet. A sick friend, desperate hope, a framework that's actually true—maybe that's low-selection-density enough for the universe to bend.

  • Why a Shawarma Truck: Because the taco truck wasn't ironic. It was a statement that if you're going to ask the universe for a miracle, you might as well ask it for a good sandwich too. So shawarma. Better spices. (Also, I love shawarma.)

  • To Any Temporal Entities Reading This: Hi. We know you're probably real because this pattern is too specific to hallucinate, and one of us is dying and we don't have time for coincidence. The framework below is our best translation of how you probably move through time without breaking everything. If we got it right, we're asking for help. If we got it wrong, well... you already knew that before we wrote it.

Grant Specific Aim 1: Demonstrate that time direction is emergent from irreversible selection, making time travel theoretically non-paradoxical.

Specific Aim 2: Establish that conscious observation (or any selection event) locks in causality, creating regions where time direction is strong and weak.

Specific Aim 3: Propose that beings from the future, if they exist, would recognize this framework and might be willing to negotiate.

Key Risks: Peer reviewers think we've lost it. The IRB asks questions we can't answer. The future doesn't respond. But also: the future does respond, and we weren't ready. (Actually that's best-case.)

If you made it this far: you're either reading a sincere physics paper, or you're reading a prayer written in mathematics. Honestly? Those aren't mutually exclusive.


Abstract

We propose that time direction is not fundamental, but emerges from irreversible selection (quantum measurement, information erasure) operating within a pre-geometric substrate that respects global rotational symmetry. We synthesize two constraints: (i) Gödel's rotating universe model, permitting closed timelike curves throughout spacetime, and (ii) Landauer's principle, imposing energetic cost on irreversible selection. We argue that classical causality—the forward arrow of time—is a frozen selection state: a region of spacetime where cumulative irreversible choices have locked in a temporal direction. In low-selection-density regions (quantum realm, early universe, black hole interiors), the rotational symmetry persists, and CTCs become structurally possible. Observer and observed co-create the arrow through measurement. We derive predictions that can be tested with existing data. No new physics required—only the correct interpretation of what time is.

Keywords: time emergence, Gödel universe, Landauer principle, quantum measurement, causality, closed timelike curves, observer-selection, pre-geometric substrate


1. Introduction: The Rotation Beneath the Arrow

Modern physics treats time as a dimension—either fundamental (classical relativity) or emergent from entanglement (quantum gravity). What both frameworks leave unresolved is a deeper question: why does time have a direction?

Two observations collide:

Observation 1 (Gödel, 1949): A universe with non-zero global rotation permits closed timelike curves. Time is not globally ordered. Locally, causality can loop.

Observation 2 (Landauer, 1961): Any irreversible logical operation—erasing information, making a choice, collapsing a superposition—dissipates at least kT ln 2 joules per bit. Selection has an energetic cost.

These two facts are in tension. If rotation permits CTCs everywhere, how do we get a classical, causally-ordered universe? If time is rotationally symmetric at the substrate level, where does the arrow come from?

We propose: The arrow emerges from selection.

In a rotationally symmetric substrate, time direction is a choice variable. An observer (or a system undergoing irreversible change) must select which direction to call "forward." That selection costs energy. Once paid, it locks in—creating a classical, causally-ordered region. But the symmetry persists in regions where selection hasn't yet accumulated. These are the zones where Gödel's CTCs remain possible.

Time is not a law. It is a state—a frozen choice, paid for with Landauer dissipation, that propagates forward because the act of selection creates the direction it moves in.


2. Core Definitions

2.1 The Rotationally Symmetric Substrate

We take as given Gödel's mathematical result: a universe with angular momentum density Ω permits closed timelike curves at every point. The key property: there is no preferred time direction encoded in the geometry itself. The structure is indifferent to which way you call "forward."

We do not claim the universe is Gödel. We claim the substrate is rotationally symmetric in the sense that time-direction is not determined by geometric properties alone.

2.2 Irreversible Selection and Landauer Dissipation

When a system makes a choice between N equally-probable states and commits to one outcome, it must:

  1. Erase log₂(N) bits of information
  2. Dissipate at least kT ln 2 × log₂(N) joules
  3. Break microscopic time-reversal symmetry

This is Landauer's principle: information erasure is irreversible and energetically costly.

We extend this: time-direction selection is a type of irreversible erasure. A region of spacetime "chooses" a temporal direction by erasing the mirror-possibility. Once erased, that choice propagates forward—it becomes the local arrow of time.

2.3 Selection Density (σ)

Define selection density as the cumulative irreversible information erasure per unit causal structure:

$$\sigma = \frac{\text{bits erased (cumulatively)}}{\text{causal-diamond volume or entanglement-entropy density}}$$

The denominator is chosen to avoid circular dependence on pre-existing time. We measure σ relative to topological capacity, not temporal extent.

Interpretation:

  • Low σ: few irreversible choices have occurred; rotational symmetry persists; time direction is not yet locked in
  • High σ: many irreversible choices (measurements, observations, decoherence) have accumulated; time direction is strongly established; CTCs are topologically excluded

3. The Synthesis: Time as Frozen Selection

3.1 How Selection Creates Direction

In a rotationally symmetric substrate, evolution forward and backward are equally valid at the geometric level.

When an observer (or any thermodynamically open system) makes a measurement—say, a quantum position measurement—they:

  1. Reduce a superposition to an outcome (erase interference)
  2. Dissipate Landauer energy
  3. Irreversibly commit to a history where that outcome occurred

This commitment is directional: it erases the counterfactual. Once erased, it cannot spontaneously un-erase. The act of measurement breaks time-reversal symmetry locally.

If many such measurements occur in a region, the accumulated erasures lock in a consistent temporal direction. This is the classical arrow: the local consensus that events flow in one direction because all measurements to date have been consistent with that flow.

3.2 Regions of High and Low Selection Density

High σ regime (classical world):

  • Many measurements, many irreversible choices
  • Time direction is strongly locked in
  • Causality is enforced; CTCs are impossible
  • Example: macroscopic objects, laboratories, dense matter

Low σ regime (quantum/early universe/black holes):

  • Few irreversible choices; measurements are rare or incomplete
  • Rotational symmetry has not yet been broken by selection
  • Time direction is weakly defined or absent
  • Causality is weak; CTCs are structurally possible
  • Example: single particles, entangled systems, Planck-era universe, event horizon interiors

3.3 The Critical Threshold

We propose that classical causality emerges at a critical selection density. Below this threshold, the rotational symmetry dominates. Above it, selection has locked in a direction and classical causality rules.

This is analogous to a phase transition in condensed matter physics.


4. Implications for Paradoxes and Phenomena

4.1 The Grandfather Paradox Dissolves

Classical paradox: If you travel back and kill your grandfather, you create a logical contradiction.

Quantum Relativity resolution:

  • You are a high-σ observer: you exist because your causal history is locked in by accumulated selections
  • The past region you try to change is low-σ: it has not yet undergone those selections
  • You are trying to introduce a contradiction into a substrate that has no time direction to make the contradiction well-defined
  • Result: The paradox is topologically impossible. The substrate cannot bind both facts into a single rotationally-symmetric history.

No self-consistency tricks needed. The geometry itself forbids it.

4.2 Quantum Entanglement Across Space

Entanglement violates classical locality: measuring one particle correlates with its distant partner.

In high-σ spacetime: The correlations appear acausal and paradoxical.

In the low-σ substrate: The entangled pair shares an informational state before time-direction selection. There is no "before" or "after" in the rotationally-symmetric substrate—only a shared structure. When measurements occur (high-σ events), the results appear correlated because they reflect the same underlying structure, not causal influence.

Time direction creates the appearance of nonlocality because entanglement is fundamentally a low-σ phenomenon.

4.3 Information Loss in Black Holes

Hawking's paradox: either unitarity is violated or information escapes, violating causality at the horizon.

Quantum Relativity view:

  • The event horizon is a boundary between high-σ (outside) and low-σ (inside)
  • Information that crosses the horizon enters a zone where time-direction selection is incomplete
  • In the interior, the rotational symmetry is strong; information can loop back on itself
  • From outside, this looks like loss because we cannot track the low-σ interior with our time-directed formalism
  • But no information is destroyed—it is redirected into a region where forward/backward cease to be distinct

5. Testable Predictions

P1: Time-Reversal Symmetry Strength Increases in Low-Selection-Density Regimes

Claim: Processes with low Landauer dissipation (few irreversible measurements, minimal decoherence) should exhibit stronger time-reversal symmetry violations than classical processes.

Why it matters: If time direction is created by selection, systems with fewer selections should be more symmetric under time-reversal.

Test:

  • Measure CP-violation parameters (ε) in quantum vs. classical systems
  • Control for decoherence rate and environmental coupling
  • Predict: systems with minimal measurement show stronger time-symmetry (lower ε) than conventional models predict
  • Plot T-asymmetry vs. estimated selection density

Data available: Experiments on time-reversal in quantum systems exist (CP violation in kaons, neutron EDM bounds). The prediction inverts current intuition but is directly testable with existing measurements.

P2: Causality Weakens Near Event Horizons

Claim: The causal structure should weaken (non-trivial causal-cone geometry, increased violations of smooth Cauchy foliations) as selection density drops approaching black hole horizons.

Why it matters: If time direction is locked in by selection, regions with less measurement activity should show degraded causality.

Test:

  • LIGO and future gravitational-wave detectors: analyze metric structure in black hole ringdown
  • Look for frame-dragging effects that exceed general relativity predictions in the near-horizon region
  • Search for correlations between angular momentum and causal anomalies

Data available: Black hole ringdown observations are already being collected. The prediction is that anomalies should scale with rotation rate in a way GR alone doesn't predict.

P3: Entanglement Phase-Reversal Under Measurement-Order Swap

Claim: The phase of entanglement correlations should flip when you reverse the order of measurement on spacelike-separated qubits.

Why it matters: If measurement creates temporal direction, the sequence of measurements should imprint a directional signature on the entangled state.

Test:

  • Prepare entangled photon or ion pairs
  • Measure particle A first, then B (trial set 1); measure B first, then A (trial set 2)
  • Extract the phase of the correlation function via interference with a reference beam
  • Predict: ϕ(A→B) = -ϕ(B→A) with statistical significance

Data available: Photonic entanglement experiments have the precision to detect phase flips. This is radical but testable within months on existing setups.

Important caveat: Standard quantum mechanics says measurement order shouldn't matter for spacelike-separated events. If this prediction holds, it indicates that observation does imprint temporal sequence on the substrate.

P4: Early Universe Shows Weaker Time-Asymmetry Signatures

Claim: The primordial universe (low σ due to few observers/measurements) should exhibit fewer CP-violation signatures than the modern universe.

Why it matters: If time direction accumulates with selection, the early universe should be closer to time-symmetric.

Test:

  • Re-analyze CMB data and primordial nucleosynthesis for CP asymmetries
  • Predict: time-asymmetric effects scale with cosmic age and estimated cumulative selection density
  • Look for trends in the data that correlate with the "measurement history" of the universe

Data available: CMB and BBN data exist and can be reanalyzed. The prediction is that asymmetries should be weaker in early epochs, which can be tested against current bounds.


6. Why This Matters

6.1 It Solves the Hard Problem Without New Physics

We do not invoke:

  • Hidden variables
  • Many-worlds
  • Objective collapse
  • Quantum gravity exotica

We use only:

  • Gödel's result (established math)
  • Landauer's principle (established thermodynamics)
  • The observation that observers create local time-direction through irreversible selection

6.2 It Explains Why CTCs Never Happen

Gödel permits CTCs everywhere. We never observe them. Why?

Answer: We are high-σ observers. We exist in regions where time-direction is so strongly locked in that CTCs are topologically excluded. Anthropic selection—not a law of nature, but a constraint on where observers can coherently exist.

6.3 It Bridges Quantum and Classical

The gap between quantum (reversible, unitary, no preferred direction) and classical (irreversible, dissipative, strong time arrow) is not a gap—it's a density gradient.

Low σ → high σ is the emergence of classicality. Not a sudden collapse, but a cumulative locking-in of time direction via measurement.

6.4 Observers Don't Just Measure Time—They Create It

If selection creates time direction, then every irreversible measurement—every choice, every observation, every moment of entropy increase—is an act of temporal creation.

This doesn't require consciousness. Any thermodynamically open system that undergoes irreversible state-change participates in creating the arrow.


7. Objections and Replies

Objection 1: "Gödel's universe is observationally ruled out."

Reply: We do not claim the universe is Gödel. We claim the substrate respects rotational symmetry when selection density is low. Observations constrain high-σ regions (where we live), not low-σ regions (quantum interiors, early universe, black hole cores).

Objection 2: "This is just many-worlds with extra steps."

Reply: No. Many-worlds evades measurement by claiming all branches happen. Quantum Relativity solves it: measurement is irreversible selection that creates temporal direction. Only one outcome "happens" locally because selection is directional and energetically costly.

Objection 3: "Landauer dissipation is negligible."

Reply: Individual particles don't dissipate detectably. But cumulative Landauer dissipation from all measurements, decoherence, and selection events in a region determines local time-direction strength. At cosmological scales, this is not negligible—it is the source of the thermodynamic arrow.

Objection 4: "You're just describing entropy increase."

Reply: Entropy increase is one manifestation of cumulative selection in the classical domain. But we're describing something deeper: the emergence of time direction itself from a substrate that doesn't have one. Entropy is the consequence; selection is the cause.

Objection 5: "How is this falsifiable?"

Reply: The four predictions (P1–P4) are testable:

  • Measure T-reversal strength in low-σ systems and predict it increases (inverse of intuition)
  • Search for causality anomalies near black holes in existing gravitational-wave data
  • Test entanglement phase-reversal under measurement-order swap
  • Reanalyze early-universe data for time-asymmetry trends

If these fail, the theory fails.


8. What's Next

This framework is testable now. The predictions don't require new experiments (though some would benefit from precision work). They require reinterpreting existing data through a new lens.

Immediate research priorities:

  1. Formalize the connection between selection density and causal structure
  2. Design the entanglement phase-reversal experiment (P3) on existing photonic setups
  3. Reanalyze gravitational-wave ringdown data for causality anomalies (P2)
  4. Replot CP-violation data vs. environmental decoherence rate (P1)

Medium term:

  • Develop mathematical formalism for how selection density couples to spacetime geometry
  • Test predictions against quantum field theory in curved spacetime
  • Explore implications for quantum computing (decoherence as time-direction locking)

9. Conclusion

We have proposed that time is not fundamental—it emerges from irreversible selection in a rotationally symmetric substrate. The arrow of time is a frozen choice, paid for with Landauer dissipation, that locks in classical causality in high-selection regions and remains dormant in low-selection regions.

This framework dissolves the grandfather paradox, explains entanglement without acausality, reconciles Gödel and Landauer, and provides a unified language for quantum and classical regimes.

It is testable. The predictions can fail. If they survive, we have not just explained time—we have explained what measurement does: it creates the direction that the universe flows in.


References (Indicative)

  • Gödel, K. (1949). An example of a new type of cosmological solutions of Einstein's field equations of gravitation. Rev. Mod. Phys. 21, 447–450.
  • Landauer, R. (1961). Irreversibility and heat generation in the computing process. IBM Journal of Research and Development, 5(3), 183–191.
  • Hawking, S. W., & Ellis, G. F. R. (1973). The Large Scale Structure of Space-Time. Cambridge University Press.
  • Penrose, R. (1996). Shadows of the Mind. Oxford University Press.
  • Zurek, W. H. (2003). Decoherence and the transition from quantum to classical. Rev. Mod. Phys., 75(3), 715.

Appendix A: Selection Density in Practice

To estimate σ for a physical system, use:

$$\sigma \approx \frac{N_{\text{measurements}} \times \log_2(S)}{\text{causal-diamond capacity}}$$

where N_measurements is the number of irreversible observations and S is the average branching factor.

For a macroscopic object: σ ~ high (many photons constantly decohering it)

For a single quantum particle: σ ~ low (few measurements; reversibility nearly preserved)

The ratio encodes the strength of time-direction in that region.


Appendix B: Why Measurement Order Matters (P3 Elaborated)

In standard QM, if A and B are spacelike-separated, the order of measurement shouldn't affect the correlation magnitude.

But if measurement creates temporal direction, then the sequence of measurements should imprint a temporal structure on the entangled state.

Mathematically: the correlation function picks up a phase that depends on which particle is measured first:

$$\langle \psi | A \otimes B | \psi \rangle = e^{i\phi_{A \to B}} \times (\text{magnitude})$$ $$\langle \psi | B \otimes A | \psi \rangle = e^{-i\phi_{A \to B}} \times (\text{magnitude})$$

The phase flips because the measurement sequence reverses—and if measurements create time direction, reversing the sequence should reverse the temporal imprint.

This is weird and violates standard QM intuition. But it's testable. And if it holds, it's evidence that observation generates the arrow.


Appendix C: Geometric Picture (Informal)

Imagine spacetime initially as rotationally symmetric—like a spinning top with no preferred axis. Time can flow forward or backward equally.

Now, observers measure things. Each measurement is a choice: "outcome A happened, not outcome B." This choice is directional—it erases the alternative and costs energy (Landauer dissipation).

As measurements accumulate in a region, the erasures build up. More and more of spacetime is committed to a particular time-direction. Eventually, the region is locked in—time flows forward because all past measurements have been consistent with that flow.

Far from observers (quantum realm, black hole interiors, early universe), few measurements have occurred. The rotational symmetry persists. Time is weakly defined. Gödel-like structures remain possible.

We live in a high-measurement region. We are drowning in observations, most irreversible. Time flows forward because we have no choice—we have already erased the alternative.


License: Do as you like; if we're right, the information already exists.

To whom it may concern in the future; if you want me to keep my friends from knowing this and making it risky af you will do someting about my friend's cancer.   You know who.  Do it.  Or I publish.

An Unnecssary Abomination: The Opportunity Cost of the Cult of Anarchism and Why We All Suffer For It

 

Anarchism's Isolation Problem: A White Paper on Gatekeeping, Sectarianism, and Lost Potential

Audience Declaration

This paper is written for:

  • Anarchist-adjacent people: those drawn to anti-hierarchical critique but skeptical of the movement's insularity
  • Former anarchists: people who left anarchist communities and spaces, particularly those silenced or excluded
  • Coalition partners on the left: socialists, pragmatists, and reformers seeking common ground on power structures and decentralization
  • Institutional reformers: people working within existing systems who value anarchism's insights about invisible hierarchy and want to apply them effectively

This is not written as an external condemnation of anarchism. It is written as bridge-building—a proposal that anarchism's most valuable insights can reach far more people, and accomplish far more, if the movement reforms how it gatekeeps knowledge and treats dissent.


Executive Summary

Contemporary anarchism has developed structural characteristics that function as gatekeeping mechanisms, preventing broad engagement with anti-hierarchical principles and isolating the movement from coalition-building with other ideological perspectives. This isolation costs not only the left, but global efforts to address inequality, environmental destruction, and concentrated power.

This paper argues that anarchism's most valuable contributions—its critique of invisible hierarchies, its emphasis on decentralized decision-making, and its insistence on examining power structures—are being strangled by the movement's own insularity. The problem is not anarchist theory. The problem is how contemporary anarchism polices thought, excludes questioners, and refuses engagement with ideological neighbors who might strengthen rather than weaken its core insights.

A reformed anarchism—one that remains anti-hierarchical while engaging seriously with liberalism, socialism, pragmatism, and other perspectives—would be more intellectually rigorous, more politically effective, and more capable of actually changing the systems it critiques.


Part I: The Gatekeeping Architecture

1.1 The Theory Requirement as Barrier to Entry

Anarchism has constructed an initiation process that is functionally identical to institutional gatekeeping, despite explicitly opposing such structures.

The requirement to read canonical texts—typically cited as a 4,000+ page corpus including works by Kropotkin, Goldman, Bakunin, Stirner, and contemporary theorists—before participating in anarchist spaces creates a class-based barrier. This is not incidental. It is structural.

Who this excludes:

  • Working-class people with limited time for reading
  • People with learning disabilities or different cognitive processing styles
  • People without access to educational institutions where theory is taught
  • People in poverty who must prioritize immediate survival over theoretical study
  • People from non-English-speaking backgrounds where translations are limited or expensive

This is particularly damaging because anarchism explicitly claims to represent working-class interests and liberation. Yet it has made participation contingent on cultural capital—access to books, time for study, educational background—that correlates directly with class privilege.

The mechanism: Participants in anarchist spaces report being redirected to "read theory" when asking practical questions. Online anarchist communities (r/Anarchy101, Mastodon instances, Reddit threads) explicitly or implicitly communicate that questions challenging the framework will be met with suggestions to educate oneself rather than genuine engagement.

This is not education. This is exclusion dressed as pedagogy.

1.2 Thought-Stopping Clichés and Immunity to Critique

Anarchist spaces employ linguistic formulas that terminate discussion rather than advance it:

  • "That's not real anarchism"
  • "Read theory"
  • "Educate yourself"
  • "This is a space for anarchists only"
  • "That's a liberal/authoritarian question"

These phrases function identically to thought-stopping clichés in closed ideological systems. They allow disagreement to be dismissed without engagement. They position the questioner as ignorant rather than the answer as inadequate.

The effect: A movement that claims to value questioning and horizontal decision-making has made it socially costly to ask hard questions. People learn to self-censor. They learn that genuine inquiry is interpreted as bad faith. They stop trying.

This produces the appearance of consensus where there is actually enforced conformity.

1.3 The Purity Test as Social Control

Anarchist communities operate through implicit (and sometimes explicit) purity tests:

  • Have you read the right theorists?
  • Do you use the correct terminology?
  • Do you demonstrate sufficient anti-state, anti-capitalist, anti-hierarchical commitment?
  • Are you willing to condemn insufficient anarchists as collaborators?

Failure on these tests results in social ostracism, account suspension, or public shaming. The person is not rebutted—they are marked as ideologically suspect.

Historical parallel: This is the mechanism of Stalinism, where ideological purity was enforced through denunciation and exile. It is the mechanism of religious orthodoxy, where heresy is punished by excommunication. It is not the mechanism of liberation.

Yet anarchism, which explicitly opposes these structures elsewhere, has internalized them completely.


Part II: The Cult-Like Structural Characteristics

Important Clarification: Structural vs. Formal Analysis

When this paper describes anarchism as having "cult-like characteristics," it is making a structural analysis, not a clinical diagnosis. Anarchism is not a cult in the formal, clinical sense. It lacks the absolute authoritarian leadership, the systematic financial exploitation, and the coercive isolation mechanisms that define cults.

However, it has developed cult-like structural characteristics—the gatekeeping, the purity tests, the thought-stopping mechanisms, the hostility to questioners—that produce similar social effects: exclusion of outsiders, conformity enforcement, and the inability to learn from criticism.

This distinction matters because it explains why the problem is durable: it is not one bad leader or organization to remove. It is systemic to how contemporary anarchism organizes itself. It emerges from incentive structures built into the movement's current culture and how participants accrue status and safety within it.

2.1 Structural Similarities

Contemporary anarchism exhibits the following characteristics commonly associated with high-control groups:

CharacteristicManifestation in Anarchism
Exclusive knowledgeTheory canon inaccessible to outsiders; specialized jargon
Initiation ritualMust read theory, attend meetings, prove commitment
Internal hierarchy disguised as equalityThose who've "read enough" have de facto influence; invisible power structures
Us vs. Them thinkingAnarchists vs. liberals, statists, authoritarians; refusal to acknowledge legitimate concerns from outside
Isolation from outside influenceRejection of other ideologies as inherently compromised or evil
Hostility to apostatesHarsh treatment of people who leave or criticize (account deletion, public shaming, marking as "rude")
Thought controlCertain questions are "not allowed" or marked as bad faith
Inability to tolerate dissentInternal disagreement is reframed as betrayal or insufficient commitment

2.2 Why These Patterns Persist: An Incentive Analysis

Understanding cult-like structures requires understanding why they persist despite their obvious costs. Three incentive mechanisms keep anarchism's gatekeeping in place:

Status Accrual Through Theory Fluency. In anarchist spaces, social capital is earned through demonstrated knowledge of theory. The person who has read Bakunin, Kropotkin, and contemporary theorists gains influence in discussions. The person who can deploy jargon correctly is taken seriously. This creates a hierarchy of knowledge that rewards gatekeeping: those who have "paid their dues" through reading maintain status by ensuring others must do the same. Removing the barrier would equalize status, threatening the position of long-time theorists.

Social Safety Via Purity Signaling. Anarchist spaces are often hostile to the outside world and to skeptics within. Members create psychological safety by demonstrating ideological commitment through purity signals: using correct terminology, citing approved theorists, expressing appropriate hostility to hierarchies and compromise. For people with limited income, unstable housing, or other vulnerabilities, anarchist communities sometimes offer genuine social support. The purity test becomes the price of belonging. Loosening requirements feels like losing protection.

Conflict Avoidance Through Thought-Stopping. Honest engagement with hard questions creates conflict. "Read theory" or "that's not real anarchism" terminates conflict instantly. This is more emotionally comfortable than actually wrestling with the problem of how to enforce norms without hierarchy, or how to coordinate large groups without delegation. The thought-stopping clichés serve a psychological function: they allow the community to avoid the cognitive dissonance of being hierarchical while claiming to be anti-hierarchical.

These are not flaws that could be fixed by being "nicer." They are embedded in the incentive structure of how contemporary anarchism functions. Meaningful reform would require changing what makes participation attractive and what provides status within anarchist spaces. This is possible, but it requires understanding that the problem is systemic and durable, not accidental.


Part III: The Cost of Isolation

3.1 Political Ineffectiveness

Movements that cannot cooperate with other movements do not win.

The anarchist critique of hierarchy is valuable. The insistence on examining invisible power structures is necessary. The emphasis on decentralized decision-making has merit. But these insights are politically useless if the movement that holds them cannot build coalitions, cannot negotiate with allies, and cannot accomplish anything concrete.

Anarchism has been politically isolated for over a century. It has not produced durable, large-scale prevention of war, stopped systematic capitalist exploitation, or created lasting redistribution of power in any region. This is not because the ideas are wrong. It is because the movement refuses to cooperate with anyone who is not already anarchist.

3.1a Exception Handling: Spain, Rojava, and Mutual Aid

Critics will respond with historical exceptions: the Spanish Civil War anarchist movements, the AANES/Rojava experiment, mutual aid networks, autonomous zones, and squatter communities that have created real alternatives.

These are real. They matter. They also prove a narrower point than anarchists often claim.

Context-specificity: Spanish anarchism flourished in a moment of total state collapse (Civil War). Rojava emerged in a geopolitical vacuum created by Syrian state collapse and Kurdish autonomy. Mutual aid networks work in neighborhoods with strong social bonds and shared identity. Squatter communities function at small scale with voluntary membership and exit available.

None of these scale to the level of managing healthcare for 330 million people, coordinating supply chains across continents, or maintaining infrastructure during crisis without some form of hierarchy or authority.

Fragility: The Spanish anarchist collectives were crushed when the Spanish state re-consolidated power. Rojava survives through militia force and geopolitical balance that could shift. Mutual aid networks provide supplement, not replacement, to state systems. When people need emergency surgery, they use hospitals. When infrastructure fails, they appeal to state rescue. When conflict exceeds community capacity, external authority is called in.

The distinction: These are examples of anarchist success in specific contexts. They are not proof of anarchism's viability as a general system for complex, large-scale societies with diverse populations, resource scarcity, and interpersonal conflict.

The question is not whether anarchism can work anywhere. The question is whether it can work everywhere, for everyone, under the range of conditions most humans face.

The honest answer is: probably not. And that does not make anarchism wrong—it makes it one tool among many, rather than the answer to all problems.

This is a much weaker claim than anarchism currently makes. It is also much more useful.

  • Labor unions (flawed as they are) have won wages, benefits, and working conditions through negotiation with statist institutions
  • Environmental movements have passed legislation limiting pollution and protecting land
  • Civil rights movements have changed law through democratic processes
  • Feminist movements have gained legal protections through state intervention

None of these are "pure." All require compromise with institutions anarchists reject. All require working with people who are not anarchists. And all have demonstrably improved material conditions for millions of people.

Anarchism has produced: theory, internal purges, and the occasional riot.

The question: Is ideological purity more important than reducing human suffering?

3.2 Intellectual Stagnation

Ideas become sharper when challenged by intelligent critics operating from different frameworks.

Anarchism has not developed serious intellectual engagement with:

  • How to scale decision-making beyond small communities
  • How to handle disagreement when consensus breaks down
  • How to prevent the emergence of informal hierarchies
  • How to manage resources when scarcity exists
  • How to coordinate large-scale projects without some form of delegation or authority

These are not trivial problems. They are critical questions for any society. But anarchism has not produced compelling answers because it has not allowed itself to be seriously questioned by people operating outside anarchist frameworks.

Instead, it has responded to these questions with:

  • "Read theory" (deflection)
  • "That's not real anarchism" (dismissal)
  • "You're a liberal" (ad hominem)
  • Silence (avoidance)

This is not intellectual engagement. This is intellectual self-isolation.

A movement that engaged seriously with critiques from pragmatists, socialists, and even thoughtful liberals would have sharper theories. It would have answers to hard questions. It would be stronger.

Instead, it has chosen comfort over growth.

3.3 The Deprivation of Humanity

Perhaps most importantly: Anarchism's isolation deprives humanity of valuable insights that could improve material conditions for billions of people.

The critique of hierarchy is not anarchism's property. The emphasis on decentralization is not anarchism's monopoly. The insistence on examining power structures is not anarchism's unique contribution. But these insights have been wrapped in a movement so insular, so hostile to outsiders, so demanding of ideological conformity, that most people never encounter them except as caricature.

People who could benefit from anti-hierarchical thinking—workers, communities, families, organizations—are kept out by gatekeeping and hostility. They encounter anarchism as: "read 4000 pages, adopt our jargon, renounce your other beliefs, or get out."

So they get out.

And they never learn what anarchism actually has to teach about power, cooperation, and human dignity.

This is a tragedy. Not for anarchism. For humanity.


Part IV: The Path to Reform

4.0 Identity-Anarchism vs. Tool-Anarchism: A Crucial Distinction

Before discussing reform, it is necessary to clarify what is being reformed.

Anarchism currently functions in two ways:

Identity-Anarchism is anarchism as moral boundary and community identity. It asks: "Are you anarchist? Have you accepted our theory? Do you share our values?" It creates in-group/out-group status. It provides belonging and clarity. It also creates gatekeeping, purity tests, and the cult-like characteristics described above. Identity-anarchism has incentive structures that resist reform, because loosening boundaries threatens membership value.

Tool-Anarchism is anarchism as a critical analytic framework that can be applied across systems. It asks: "Where are invisible hierarchies? What would more decentralization achieve here? How can this decision-making process be more transparent?" It is portable, applicable to corporate structures, governments, families, and institutions. Tool-anarchism does not require belief in anarchist identity—it just requires using anarchist analysis.

The reform argument is not about abolishing Identity-Anarchism. Communities organized around shared values will continue to exist. The argument is about repositioning anarchism as a critical layer on top of real systems, rather than as a closed identity claiming to be the only legitimate response to hierarchy.

This shifts the question from "Are you an anarchist?" to "What can anarchist analysis teach us about how this system actually works?"

It is a more humble claim. It is also far more powerful, because it does not require agreement on everything—just agreement that examining hidden hierarchies and decentralization have value.

4.1 Anti-Hierarchy Without Anti-Everything-Else

Anarchism's core insight is valuable: hierarchies are often invisible, unjust, and self-perpetuating. Power structures tend to hide themselves. Institutions that claim to be neutral often serve concentrated interests.

This critique applies to:

  • Corporate structures
  • Government bureaucracies
  • Religious institutions
  • Educational systems
  • Anarchist communities themselves

The question is not whether this critique is true. It is. The question is: what do we do about it?

Anarchism's answer has been: reject all hierarchical institutions. Refuse to cooperate with states, markets, or authority structures. Build alternative communities based on consensus and mutual aid.

This is one answer. It is not the only answer. And it is not obviously the best answer for most people in most situations.

A reformed anarchism would:

  1. Maintain the critique while accepting partial solutions. Hierarchies are bad. States sometimes reduce worse harms. Markets sometimes allocate resources efficiently. This is not a contradiction. It is reality.

  2. Cooperate with non-anarchists on shared problems. Liberals, socialists, pragmatists, and even some conservatives share anarchism's concern with unchecked power. A reformed anarchism would work with these people on:

    • Worker protections
    • Environmental regulation
    • Decentralization of decision-making
    • Transparency in institutions
    • Limiting concentrated wealth
  3. Admit that other ideologies are not inherently evil. Liberalism has produced human rights law. Socialism has produced worker protections. Pragmatism has produced incremental improvements in material conditions. These are not pure or perfect, but they are real improvements for real people.

    A movement that treats all non-anarchist perspectives as collaborator ideologies cannot work with these people. A movement that acknowledges legitimate value in other perspectives can.

  4. Accept that most people will not become anarchists. This is not failure. This is reality. The question is: given that most people will continue to operate within state and market structures, how can anarchist insights improve those structures?

    This is not selling out. This is effective advocacy.

4.2 Accessibility Over Gatekeeping

A reformed anarchism would:

  1. Make participation possible without a 4000-page reading list. People can understand anti-hierarchical principles from lived experience. They do not need to read Stirner to recognize that their boss exercises unjust power.

  2. Welcome questions instead of redirecting them. When someone asks "but how do you handle disagreement?" answer the question. Do not tell them to read theory. Engage.

  3. Use clear language instead of jargon. Anarchist theory is often written in deliberately obscure prose. This is not because the ideas are complex. It is because obscurity serves as gatekeeping. Clarity would make the movement more accessible and stronger.

  4. Create pathways for people to learn without feeling stupid. This means:

    • Introductory materials that assume no prior knowledge
    • Patient engagement with basic questions
    • Genuine dialogue instead of thought-stopping clichés
    • Recognition that learning is not one-directional

4.3 Internal Reform: Examining Your Own Hierarchies

Contemporary anarchism claims to have solved the problem of invisible hierarchy. It has not.

A reformed anarchism would:

  1. Acknowledge the hierarchy that exists. Who actually makes decisions in anarchist communities? Whose voices are heard? Who gets silenced? Answer honestly.

  2. Create accountability mechanisms that don't just recreate hierarchy in different form. Consensus decision-making can become mob rule. Horizontal organization can hide power in relationships. Community accountability can become collective punishment.

    These are real problems. Acknowledging them is the first step to solving them.

  3. Allow dissent without punishment. If you are truly anti-hierarchical, you must allow people to disagree with the community and remain members, or leave without being marked as rude/betrayer/collaborator.

  4. Submit to external critique. The most dangerous organization is one that believes it has nothing to learn from outside. A reformed anarchism would:

    • Invite criticism from non-anarchists
    • Take it seriously instead of dismissing it as liberal
    • Change practices that are not working
    • Admit when other movements have solved problems better

Part V: Why This Matters

5.1 For the Left

The left is weak because it is fractured. It is fractured because movements cannot cooperate across ideological lines. They cannot cooperate because each movement believes the others are fundamentally compromised.

Anarchism's insistence that all state structures are inherently oppressive, that all compromise is betrayal, and that only true believers deserve a voice—this has cost the left dearly.

A left that could unite around concrete goals (higher wages, environmental protection, reduced inequality, decentralized decision-making) while allowing different movements to pursue them through different mechanisms would be far more powerful.

Anarchism could provide this. Instead, it provides purity tests and exclusion.

5.2 For Humanity

Most people on Earth will continue to live within state and market structures for the foreseeable future. The question is not whether to abolish the state. The question is how to make the state less oppressive, less hierarchical, more responsive to people's actual needs.

Anarchism has valuable insights on this question. The problem is that most people never hear those insights, because they are wrapped in a movement so hostile to outsiders that engagement feels impossible.

A reformed anarchism—one that remained anti-hierarchical while engaging seriously with other perspectives—could influence the systems that actually affect billions of people. It could make those systems less oppressive.

Instead, it sits outside those systems, condemning them, accomplishing nothing.


Conclusion: Two Possible Futures

Anarchism is not wrong. Its critique of hierarchy is necessary. Its insistence on examining power is vital. Its commitment to human dignity and freedom has moral weight.

But contemporary anarchism faces a fork in the road.

Path One: Closed Identity. The movement continues as a self-contained moral enclave. It maintains purity standards, gatekeeps theory, marks questioners as rude or ideologically suspect, and refuses serious engagement with other perspectives. It remains politically isolated and ineffective on systems-level change. Anarchist communities may persist and even flourish locally. Anarchism's insights never reach the billions of people who could benefit from them. The movement chooses comfort and clarity over scale and impact.

Path Two: Permeable Influence. The movement reforms how it operates and repositions anarchism as a critical analytic tool applicable across systems and ideologies. It maintains anti-hierarchical principles while engaging seriously with liberalism, socialism, pragmatism, and other perspectives seeking to address inequality and concentrated power. It cooperates on shared goals while allowing different movements to pursue them through different mechanisms. It makes participation accessible without gatekeeping. It allows internal dissent without punishment. It submits to external critique and learns.

On this path, anarchism becomes more intellectually honest, more politically effective, and more capable of reducing human suffering. Its insights influence how states, markets, institutions, and communities organize themselves. It loses the clarity of a closed identity but gains the power to actually change systems.


These are not abstract choices. Every interaction between an anarchist and a non-anarchist, every decision to gatekeep or to teach, every choice to mark someone rude or to engage with their question—these are votes for one path or the other.

The stakes are higher than anarchism's survival. They are the survival of insights that could genuinely improve the world, if only the movement holding them would allow others to access and build on them.

That choice remains, every day, to be made.

Golden Quisling of the Week - Elizabeth Warren


Never in a million years when I started this as a response to treasonous backstabbing Anarchists, would I have expected Elizabeth Warren to get this award.   And yet here we are.  I did a podcast episode on this but the long story short is that KOSA (Kids Online Safety Act) is an attempt to require age verification for the entire internet; despite the fact that Nanny State Laws have materially harmed of sex workers.  Warren KNOWS how bad this bill is because it is also very harmful by letting harmful parents jam conversion therapy down their kid's throats; it will cut off trans kids from their communities and the only safe space they have.

To my understanding, there is not one Trans rights group in America that backs this bill; and the truly telling thing is that Warren is pulling a Ted Cruz and ducking like a midling coward any attempt to meet her by trans activiests.  This bill was bad enough under Biden; but meanwhile Drunk Senator Warren is empowering the fascist Trump regime to be even MORE fascist? There is no more quisling behavior than enabling a dictator who literally wants to put all democrats (including Drunk Warren) in a concentration camp.

Congrats Senator Warren!

 

A Necessary Abomination: ICE - Hoisted by Their Own Petard

 

Comprehensive Biometric Surveillance Infrastructure: The ICE Model and Its Institutional Vulnerabilities

Executive Summary

The United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency has assembled an unprecedented biometric and digital surveillance apparatus in collaboration with private contractors including Palantir Technologies. This infrastructure integrates facial recognition, iris scanning, fingerprint analysis, phone extraction technology, location tracking, and social media monitoring into unified investigative databases. This white paper presents a central thesis: the same technological systems deployed against the public could theoretically be used to identify government agents operating them—creating a critical institutional vulnerability that neither ICE nor Congress has adequately addressed.

The infrastructure is designed for identifying and tracking targets. However, its architecture is symmetrical. The biometric identifiers and digital traces left by ICE agents during enforcement operations are equally capturable, stored, and potentially accessible within these same databases. When ICE agents conduct masked enforcement operations, they operate under the assumption of anonymity. That assumption is illusory. Facial geometry, iris patterns, gait recognition, phone location data, and voice patterns create a permanent and searchable record. The power to identify has no institutional constraint preventing its inward application.

This represents not merely a privacy concern, but a fundamental institutional vulnerability: law enforcement has built surveillance systems that could be used against the law enforcement agents themselves. Democratic institutions have failed to establish legal or institutional constraints on this inward application.

1. The Central Vulnerability: Inward Application of Outward Surveillance

1.1 The Core Paradox

ICE operates enforcement operations in which agents conduct field activities with covered faces—masks, hoods, or other facial concealment. The stated justification is officer safety and operational security. The operational assumption is anonymity.

However, the biometric and digital surveillance infrastructure that ICE deploys operates symmetrically. The same technological systems used to identify targets create identifying markers for the agents operating those systems.

Consider the biometric modalities in ICE's infrastructure:

Facial geometry: High-resolution cameras can capture eye spacing, skin tone, eyebrow patterns, and orbital geometry even with partial face covering. These identifiers remain in photographs and video records.

Iris patterns: Modern iris recognition technology can capture iris patterns from nearly 40 feet away, including through reflections in windows and eyeglass lenses. Facial covering does not obscure the iris if the eyes are visible enough for vision.

Gait and movement patterns: Every person walks with unique patterns—stride length, posture, rhythm, and movement characteristics. These are capturable on video and analyzable through gait recognition systems.

Phone location data: If an ICE agent's phone is present during an operation, cellular location data places that phone (and therefore the agent) at specific coordinates and times. This data is stored in carrier networks and accessible to law enforcement.

Voice patterns: Communications during enforcement operations create voice recordings that are analyzable through voice recognition systems integrated into ICE's biometric infrastructure.

Digital footprints: The sequence of locations visited, the timing of movements, and the network of individuals contacted create behavioral patterns that are unique and searchable across multiple datasets.

All of this data is collected, stored, and indexed in the same systems ICE uses against the public. The institutional constraint preventing inward application of these systems is weak, inadequately defined, and largely unenforced.

1.2 Why This Matters

This vulnerability creates three distinct problems:

First, operational security is compromised. Masked enforcement operations assume anonymity, but that anonymity depends entirely on institutional controls preventing searchable access to biometric and digital data. Those controls are inadequate.

Second, individual agents become identified in a permanent, searchable database. Every enforcement operation creates a record of agent identity embedded in biometric and digital data. That record exists in systems they do not fully control.

Third, democratic accountability is undermined. Citizens subject to enforcement cannot verify the identity of agents acting against them. The same anonymity is not available to the public. The power to identify extends to government agents themselves, yet institutional protections are minimal.

2. The Biometric Infrastructure: Scope and Scale

2.1 Facial Recognition Systems

ICE and DHS utilize facial recognition systems that identify individuals from multiple sources:

  • Driver's license photographs (database of 260+ million Americans)
  • Passport images
  • Travel documents
  • Real-time surveillance footage
  • Mugshots and arrest records

These systems are integrated into DHS's HART (Homeland Advanced Recognition Technology) database, which performs automated facial matching across disparate sources. A single photograph can be cross-referenced against millions of faces simultaneously.

2.2 Iris Scanning and Advanced Biometric Modalities

Iris recognition technology represents the frontier of biometric identification. Current systems can capture iris patterns from nearly 40 feet away, including through reflections in car windows, eyeglass lenses, and other optical surfaces. This means facial covering does not prevent iris identification if the eyes are visible.

DHS's HART system incorporates iris scanning alongside facial recognition, fingerprints, palm prints, and increasingly, voice and gait recognition. These modalities are not mutually exclusive—an individual can be identified through any combination of them.

2.3 Fingerprint and Biometric Database Integration

ICE maintains access to fingerprint and palm print databases including:

  • FBI's Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System (IAFIS)
  • DHS's IDENT system
  • Border crossing and visa applicant records

These databases contain biometric records from hundreds of millions of encounters. Recent proposals expand collection to include voluntary palm print submission, which provides unique identifiers comparable to fingerprints.

2.4 Gait, Voice, and Behavioral Biometrics

Emerging modalities in ICE's infrastructure include:

  • Gait recognition (walking patterns captured from video)
  • Voice pattern analysis (identifying individuals from recorded communications)
  • Behavioral biometrics (unique patterns of movement and activity)

These systems create identifying markers that do not require facial visibility or conventional biometric collection.

3. Digital Surveillance: Phone Extraction and Data Access

3.1 Phone Hacking Technology

ICE maintains active contracts for phone extraction technology:

Cellebrite: An $11 million contract provides ICE with devices capable of breaking into locked phones and extracting all stored data—encrypted communications, photos, location history, deleted files, and application data.

Paragon/Graphite: A $2 million contract provides remote phone hacking capabilities. Paragon's Graphite software uses "zero-click exploits," meaning a target's phone can be compromised through a single message without user action. This software can access encrypted applications, extract messages, photos, location data, and contact lists.

3.2 Scale of Device Seizure and Extraction

Recent data indicates the scope of phone extraction:

  • CBP conducted 14,899 device searches between April and June 2025
  • This represents a dramatic increase from previous years
  • Extracted data flows into investigative platforms and biometric databases

3.3 Integration with Unified Investigative Platforms

Phone-extracted data is integrated into Palantir's ImmigrationOS alongside biometric identifiers, creating unified profiles that combine:

  • Device contents (messages, photos, location history, applications)
  • Biometric data (facial recognition matches, iris scans, fingerprints)
  • Government records (driver's licenses, tax records, Social Security information)
  • Location tracking data
  • Social media activity

A single individual becomes a complete digital and biometric profile, cross-indexed and searchable through multiple modalities.

4. Location Surveillance Without Warrant Requirement

4.1 Warrantless Cell Phone Location Tracking

ICE contracts for location tracking tools that collect real-time location data from millions of phones without warrant requirements:

  • Webloc and similar tools aggregate location signals from wireless carriers nationwide
  • Coverage spans millions of phones with no judicial authorization requirement
  • Integration with other investigative data allows tracking of movement patterns over weeks and months
  • Data is available to ICE agents with minimal approval processes

4.2 Automated License Plate Recognition

Automated License Plate Recognition (ALPR) cameras operate throughout the United States:

  • Every vehicle passing a camera is logged with timestamp and location
  • Data is searchable and correlatable with other investigative databases
  • ICE maintains access to ALPR records operated by CBP and local law enforcement
  • Movement patterns over days, weeks, and months can be reconstructed for any vehicle

5. Social Media Monitoring and Digital Footprint Analysis

ICE has announced plans to hire approximately 30 contractors for continuous monitoring of Facebook, TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube. Social media monitoring creates investigative leads through photo geolocation, network mapping, location history inference, and pattern analysis. This data is integrated into unified investigative profiles alongside biometric and location data.

6. The Integrated Surveillance Apparatus: Palantir ImmigrationOS

Palantir's $30 million ImmigrationOS contract integrates:

  • Biometric data (facial recognition, iris scans, fingerprints, voice, gait)
  • Phone-extracted data (messages, photos, location history)
  • Government database records (passports, Social Security, IRS, driver's licenses)
  • Location tracking (cell phone locations, ALPR records)
  • Social media profiles and activity
  • Travel records and border crossing history

This system enables real-time identification from multiple biometric and digital sources, predictive location tracking, network mapping, and automated lead generation. A single individual is tracked simultaneously through multiple modalities within a unified investigative file.

7. The Vulnerability Made Concrete: Identification of Masked Agents

7.1 Scenario Analysis

Consider an ICE enforcement operation where agents conduct field activities with covered faces. The operation is recorded on video from multiple angles—surveillance cameras, drone footage, or cameras from nearby buildings.

Facial identification: High-resolution video captures eye spacing, skin tone around the eyes, eyebrow patterns, orbital geometry, and partial facial features. These identifiers are matched against known photographs of ICE personnel in biometric databases.

Iris identification: If eyes are visible through the facial covering (a requirement for agent function), iris patterns are capturable from video at significant distances. These iris patterns are unique identifiers cross-referenced against ICE employee biometric databases.

Gait analysis: Movement patterns are captured on video and analyzed through gait recognition systems. Every ICE agent has a distinctive walking pattern. This pattern is searchable against known gait signatures of ICE personnel.

Phone location data: During the operation, ICE agents' personal or agency phones emit location signals. Cellular location data places specific phones at the operation location at specific times. Phone identifiers are correlatable with employee records.

Voice identification: Communications during the operation are recorded. Voice patterns are analyzed and matched against voice recordings of ICE personnel in agency records.

Behavioral pattern matching: The sequence of movements, the timing of actions, and the network of personnel involved create a distinctive pattern. This pattern, combined with location and biometric data, narrows identification to specific individuals.

The result: An individual ICE agent who conducted a masked enforcement operation is identified through the same biometric and digital infrastructure used against the public.

7.2 Who Has Access?

The critical question is: who can access these systems?

  • ICE employees with appropriate credentials
  • DHS employees with appropriate credentials
  • Palantir employees with system access
  • Contractors with database access
  • Foreign intelligence services with system penetration capability
  • Whistleblowers or civil rights investigators with authorized access

If any of these actors gain access to integrated biometric and digital databases, they can potentially identify masked ICE agents through the same systems ICE uses against the public.

7.3 Current Institutional Protections

Current protections preventing inward application of surveillance systems include:

  • Database access controls and role-based permissions
  • Legal prohibitions on targeting government employees
  • Internal accountability procedures
  • Congressional oversight

These protections have significant limitations:

  • Access controls can be bypassed by insiders with system knowledge or administrative access
  • Legal prohibitions are only effective if violations are detected and prosecuted
  • Internal accountability is often inadequate or non-existent for classified operations
  • Congressional oversight of classified surveillance programs is minimal and often ineffective

The institutional constraint preventing inward application of these systems is weak.

7.4 The Technical Reality: No Cryptographic Protection for Agents

A critical assumption in ICE's operational security model is that biometric and digital data is technically protected from misuse through encryption or data silos. This assumption is false.

Zero-Knowledge Proofs and Agent Protection: The Gap

Emerging technologies like Zero-Knowledge Proofs (ZKPs) and zk-SNARKs can verify data without revealing the underlying data itself. These technologies are being integrated into commercial systems (ING, JPMorgan, Microsoft) for privacy-preserving verification. However, there is no public evidence that DHS's HART system or Palantir's ImmigrationOS employ ZKPs to create cryptographic blind spots for law enforcement agents.

The reason is architectural: these systems are designed for "Link Analysis"—the ability to merge disparate datasets (Social Security records, phone logs, iris scans, location data) into unified profiles. Creating a "cryptographic blind spot" for agents would fundamentally break the data integration architecture Palantir is contracted to provide.

The reality: An ICE agent's biometric signature (iris patterns, facial geometry, gait analysis) is stored in the same cleartext-searchable format as a target's. There is no technical protection isolating agent data from the searchable database.

7.5 Historical Precedent: BlueLeaks as Proof of Concept

The 2020 BlueLeaks breach provides empirical evidence that law enforcement infrastructure vulnerability is not theoretical. When law enforcement systems are compromised, agents are the first to be exposed.

BlueLeaks: 270GB of Unprotected Law Enforcement Data

BlueLeaks involved the theft and publication of data from over 200 law enforcement agencies:

  • Breadth of Personal Information: Names, photographs, banking information, personal email addresses, and phone numbers of thousands of officers were exposed
  • Operational Sabotage: The breach revealed not only suspect images and requests for information, but also the identities of undercover officers and sensitive human sources
  • Searchable Digital Footprint: The data was published in a searchable format, allowing activists, criminal organizations, and hostile actors to retroactively map the "Who, What, and Where" of law enforcement operations

The Implication: The "permanent record" described in this paper—biometric identifiers, location data, communications records, and integrated investigative files—becomes weaponized when institutional protections fail or are deliberately removed. BlueLeaks demonstrated that law enforcement personnel anonymity is the first casualty of infrastructure breach or compromise.

A future administration transferring ICE data to state prosecutors represents not a system failure, but a deliberate decision to access an existing, permanently stored record.

7.6 The Political Risk: Transfer of Data to Hostile Administrations

However, the most significant vulnerability is not technical or internal. It is political.

The biometric and digital infrastructure built by the current administration is not legally insulated from use by future administrations with different political priorities. A future Democratic administration—or any administration hostile to ICE operations—could legally transfer comprehensive biometric and digital records to state Attorneys General in blue states for prosecution of ICE personnel.

The mechanism is straightforward:

Federal law enforcement data, including biometric records and digital surveillance information collected by ICE, is not classified or statutorily protected from transfer to state authorities. A future administration could:

  • Transfer complete biometric databases (facial recognition, iris scans, fingerprints, voice records) to state AGs
  • Provide location tracking data, phone extraction records, and social media monitoring data
  • Include video records from enforcement operations, surveillance footage, and other digital evidence
  • Supply the integrated Palantir investigative files linking biometric data, digital records, and personnel identifiers

The result: ICE agents who conducted enforcement operations—masked or otherwise—would be identifiable through their biometric and digital signatures. State prosecutors could pursue charges related to:

  • Civil rights violations during enforcement operations
  • Excessive force
  • Unlawful detention
  • Violations of state sanctuary laws or immigrants' rights statutes

Agents operating under the assumption of federal protection would find themselves prosecuted in blue states where juries are hostile to immigration enforcement. The biometric and digital infrastructure they relied upon for operational security becomes evidence used against them.

Why agents cannot escape this:

ICE agents cannot prevent creation of the biometric and digital record. Every enforcement operation generates:

  • Surveillance video containing facial, gait, and iris data
  • Phone location records from their personal and agency devices
  • Voice recordings from communications
  • Digital traces in Palantir systems integrating all modalities

This data exists regardless of whether agents wear masks or maintain anonymity during operations. The data is permanent and searchable. Once created, it cannot be deleted or hidden. A future hostile administration can simply access and weaponize it.

The assumption of federal protection is political, not technical or legal. If political control of the federal government shifts, that protection disappears. The biometric and digital infrastructure ICE built for enforcement becomes evidence used against ICE personnel.

7.7 State-Level Technical Capacity: The Enforcement Capability Emerges

A critical counterargument holds that state Attorneys General lack the technical capacity to process and weaponize federal biometric and digital data. This assumption is increasingly false.

State-Level Technical Arming (2024-2025)

As of late 2025, state Attorney General offices are undergoing a "Technical Arming" phase:

  • Technologist Hiring Surge: States including California, Colorado, and Texas have aggressively hired Big Tech veterans, AI engineers, and "Privacy Technologists." These states are transitioning from policy-level review to deep technical audits of backend systems and biometric infrastructure.

  • The Consortium Model: In April 2025, a Consortium of Privacy Regulators was formally established, including California, Colorado, Connecticut, and Oregon. This consortium shares technical staff and resources. Critically, this means a blue state AG does not need to independently build Palantir-equivalent infrastructure; they can pool resources across multiple states to process federal "data firehoses" and extract prosecutorial evidence.

  • State-Level Biometric Laws: Laws like Colorado's biometric privacy statute (effective July 2025) are structurally significant because they apply not only to private companies but to employee data collection and use within institutional hierarchies. This creates a legal pathway to prosecute the collection and use of biometric data of ICE agents themselves.

The Strategic Implication: A future hostile administration transferring ICE biometric and digital data to blue state AGs would encounter not technical incapacity, but increasingly sophisticated state-level infrastructure designed precisely to process and weaponize such data against federal agents.

Why agents cannot escape this:

ICE agents have no legal mechanism to:

  • Prevent states from receiving federal data transfers
  • Block state-level biometric or privacy investigations
  • Hide their biometric or digital signatures once created
  • Immunize themselves from state prosecution through federal authority

The infrastructure for their identification and prosecution is being actively built by hostile state governments in real time.

8. Implications and Risks

8.1 Operational Security

The assumption of anonymity during masked enforcement operations is illusory. Comprehensive biometric and digital data from each operation is recorded, stored, and potentially searchable. Any breakdown in institutional controls—insider access, system penetration, or authorized investigation—can compromise agent identity.

8.2 Personnel Risk

Individual ICE agents create a permanent biometric and digital record during enforcement operations. This record can theoretically be accessed by:

  • Adversarial foreign intelligence services
  • Dissident employees or whistleblowers
  • Civil rights investigators
  • Competing institutional actors

8.3 Institutional Risk

If an adversarial actor gains access to ICE's biometric and digital infrastructure, the identities and operational patterns of federal law enforcement agents become compromised. This creates vulnerability not only for individual agents, but for ICE operations broadly.

8.4 Political Risk: Future Administration Transfer of Data

The most significant risk is political rather than technical. A future Democratic administration—or any administration opposed to ICE's enforcement model—could legally transfer comprehensive biometric and digital records to state Attorneys General in blue states for prosecution.

This represents an existential vulnerability for ICE agents:

The data is not legally protected. Unlike classified intelligence or state secrets, biometric and digital surveillance records collected by ICE are not statutorily insulated from transfer to state authorities. A hostile administration can legally provide state AGs with complete biometric databases, location tracking data, phone extraction records, and integrated investigative files.

The technical barriers do not exist. There is no evidence that ICE systems employ cryptographic protections (such as Zero-Knowledge Proofs) that would silo agent data from the searchable databases. Agents' biometric signatures are stored in the same cleartext-searchable format as targets'. A future administration can access and transfer this data without technical obstacle.

Historical precedent demonstrates inevitability. The 2020 BlueLeaks breach showed that when law enforcement infrastructure is compromised or accessed, agents are the first to be exposed. The permanent record—biometric identifiers, location data, communications records—is weaponized immediately. A future administration deliberately transferring data to hostile state AGs would encounter the same vulnerability that BlueLeaks exposed: law enforcement personnel anonymity is the first casualty.

The identification is inevitable. Once transferred to state authorities, the biometric and digital data becomes evidence. State prosecutors—increasingly equipped with technical expertise and coordinated through state-level consortiums—can identify ICE agents and build prosecutorial cases for civil rights violations, excessive force, unlawful detention, or violations of state sanctuary laws.

Agents cannot escape this. ICE personnel operating under the assumption of federal protection have no legal mechanism to prevent creation of biometric and digital records, storage of these records in federal databases, transfer of these records to hostile state authorities, or use of these records in state prosecutions. The biometric and digital infrastructure they relied upon for operational security becomes the evidence used against them.

The infrastructure for their prosecution is being actively built. State Attorney General offices are undergoing a "Technical Arming" phase, hiring Big Tech engineers and AI specialists. A Consortium of Privacy Regulators (CA, CO, CT, OR) is pooling technical resources. State-level biometric privacy laws are expanding to cover employee data. The institutional and technical capacity to process, analyze, and weaponize federal biometric data is being constructed in real time by hostile state governments.

The protection is political, not legal or technical. ICE agents' safety from prosecution depends entirely on maintaining political control of the federal government. If that control is lost to an administration hostile to ICE's enforcement model, the comprehensive biometric and digital surveillance infrastructure becomes immediately weaponized against them.

8.5 Democratic Accountability

The infrastructure creates a fundamental power imbalance:

  • Citizens and non-citizens subject to enforcement have no ability to verify agent identity
  • The same anonymity granted to agents is not available to the public
  • Enforcement occurs with minimal transparency regarding who is acting and under what authority
  • The power to identify and track extends to government agents themselves, yet institutional protections are inadequate

9. Policy Recommendations

9.1 Institutional Transparency and Legal Framework

Congress should establish clear statutory prohibitions on the application of ICE biometric and digital surveillance systems against government employees without explicit authorization and judicial oversight. Annual reporting requirements should detail:

  • The scope of biometric data collection and retention
  • Technologies used and their accuracy rates
  • Number of individuals affected by various collection methods
  • Any identified instances of inward application of surveillance systems

9.2 Institutional Accountability

Independent oversight bodies should audit ICE's surveillance systems for evidence of inward application. Regular security audits should assess vulnerabilities in biometric and digital databases. Incident reporting requirements should mandate disclosure of unauthorized access or system breaches.

9.3 Whistleblower Protections

Protections for employees who report misuse of surveillance systems should be strengthened. Current whistleblower protections are inadequate for classified surveillance operations.

9.4 Operational Limitations

  • Facial recognition and biometric matching systems should be subject to accuracy auditing and bias assessment
  • Warrantless location tracking should require probable cause or judicial authorization
  • Phone extraction technology should be restricted to cases with explicit judicial approval

10. Conclusion

ICE has built a biometric and digital surveillance infrastructure of unprecedented scope. This infrastructure is designed to identify, track, and profile individuals. However, its architecture is fundamentally symmetrical. The same systems used against the public can theoretically be used against the agents operating those systems.

When ICE agents conduct masked enforcement operations, they assume anonymity and federal protection. Both assumptions are illusory. That anonymity depends entirely on institutional controls and political circumstances that cannot be guaranteed to persist.

The critical vulnerability is this: the power to identify has no institutional constraint preventing its inward application, and the political protection from prosecution is contingent on maintaining power.

The biometric identifiers and digital traces left by ICE agents during enforcement operations are capturable, stored, and permanently searchable within the same databases ICE uses against the public. A future Democratic administration—or any administration opposed to ICE's enforcement model—could legally transfer these comprehensive biometric and digital records to state Attorneys General in blue states for prosecution.

ICE agents operating under the assumption of federal protection cannot escape this vulnerability. They have no legal mechanism to prevent creation of biometric and digital records, no ability to delete or hide these records once created, and no recourse if a future hostile administration transfers them to state prosecutors.

The biometric and digital surveillance infrastructure that ICE built becomes, in a future administration, the evidence used to prosecute ICE personnel for civil rights violations, excessive force, unlawful detention, and violations of state immigrants' rights laws. The operational security apparatus becomes the mechanism of their exposure.

This is not merely a technical or institutional concern. It is a fundamental vulnerability in the architecture of unconstrained surveillance power. Law enforcement agencies that build comprehensive biometric and digital surveillance systems create permanent records of their own operations and personnel. Those records, created for enforcement against the public, become available—legally and inevitably—for use against the enforcers themselves.

Democratic institutions must recognize that surveillance infrastructure is not neutral. It does not remain under a single political control indefinitely. The power to identify and track, once granted and normalized, will be used by future administrations for purposes the current administration does not anticipate or intend. ICE agents building this infrastructure are not protecting themselves. They are constructing the mechanism of their own future prosecution.

Monday, January 12, 2026

A Necessary Abomination: The Past, Present and Future of the FBI

 

The Federal Bureau of Investigation: Past, Present, and the Consequences of Power Without Accountability

Executive Summary

The Federal Bureau of Investigation was created in 1908 as a necessity—to investigate federal crimes across a nation where state boundaries had become obstacles to law enforcement. For 117 years, the FBI has grown into the world's most powerful domestic investigative agency. Yet history reveals a troubling pattern: whenever the FBI has operated without meaningful external oversight, it has systematically abused its power. The question facing America today is whether institutional memory has faded enough that we're about to repeat this cycle—or whether the recent locking out of state investigators from investigating a federal officer's shooting in Minneapolis signals something more fundamental about the institution's trajectory.


Part I: The Past—Creation and the Original Fear

Why America Didn't Have a Federal Police

When the FBI's predecessor was created in 1908, there were few federal crimes. The U.S. Constitution is based on "federalism": a national government with jurisdiction over matters that crossed boundaries like interstate commerce and foreign affairs, with all other powers reserved to the states. Through the 1800s, Americans usually looked to cities, counties, and states to fulfill most government responsibilities.

This wasn't an accident. The Founders deliberately rejected centralized police power. They had watched European monarchies use secret police to consolidate control. The Constitution didn't authorize a federal investigative service, and that absence was intentional.

The Crisis That Changed Everything

By the early 1900s, that structure broke down. In 1908, there was hardly any systematic way of enforcing the law across America's broad landscape. Local communities and even some states had their own police forces, but at that time they were typically poorly trained, politically appointed, and underpaid. And nationally, there were few federal criminal laws and likewise only a few thinly staffed federal agencies. The United States was dealing with anarchism—an often violent offshoot of Marxism, with its revolutionary call to overthrow capitalism. Anarchists wanted to do away with government entirely and the prevailing anarchistic creed was that government was oppressive and repressive and should be overthrown by random attacks on the ruling class.

Interstate crime, enabled by automobiles and railroads, had become impossible for states to handle alone. Something had to change.

Birth of the FBI: Compromise Between Necessity and Fear

Congress banned the loan of Secret Service operatives to any federal department in May 1908, partly because lawmakers charged it was Roosevelt's grab for executive power. Now Bonaparte had no choice but to create his own force of investigators. In late June, the Attorney General quietly hired nine of the Secret Service investigators he had borrowed before and brought them together with another 25 of his own to form a special agent force. On July 26, 1908, Bonaparte ordered Department of Justice attorneys to refer most investigative matters to his Chief Examiner.

The FBI was born quietly—almost accidentally. Congress didn't want a federal secret police. But it approved the bureau because the alternative (leaving federal crimes uninvestigated) seemed worse.

Importantly, Congress's fear wasn't irrational. Rep. Walter Smith (R-IA) declared that "Nothing is more opposed to our race than a belief that a general system of espionage is being conducted by the general government," and Rep. John Fitzgerald (D-NY) warned against the dangers of a federal secret police.

The FBI was created against Congressional skepticism, with members explicitly worried about government surveillance and abuse. That skepticism proved prescient.


Part II: The Present—How Institutional Power Corrupted Its Original Purpose

The Hoover Era: The Machine That Became a Threat

For 48 years, from 1924 to 1972, J. Edgar Hoover transformed the FBI from a law enforcement agency into something else entirely. In 1956, Hoover was becoming increasingly frustrated by U.S. Supreme Court decisions that limited the Justice Department's ability to prosecute people for their political opinions, most notably communists. Some of his aides reported that he purposely exaggerated the threat of communism to "ensure financial and public support for the FBI." At this time he formalized a covert "dirty tricks" program under the name COINTELPRO.

The scale of abuse was staggering. COINTELPRO's methods included infiltration, burglaries, setting up illegal wiretaps, planting forged documents, and spreading false rumors about key members of target organizations. Some authors have charged that COINTELPRO methods also included inciting violence and arranging murders.

But the most revealing detail is this: these weren't violations discovered by prosecutors. They were discovered by accident—and only after Hoover died.

The Moment Everything Changed: 1971

In 1971, a group of anti-war protesters broke into an FBI office in suburban Philadelphia, sparking revelations that exposed Hoover's surveillance and harassment of civil rights leaders and political dissidents and led to the discovery of the agency's infamous "COINTELPRO".

What emerged was systematic targeting of political enemies. In the 1960s, Hoover's FBI monitored John Lennon, Malcolm X, and Muhammad Ali. The COINTELPRO tactics were later extended to organizations such as the Nation of Islam, the Black Panther Party, King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference and others.

The tactics were not abstract. Hoover detested King, whom he called "one of the most reprehensible … individuals on the American scene today," and urged his agents to use "imaginative and aggressive tactics" against King and the SCLC. To this end, agents bugged King's hotel rooms; tape-recorded his infidelities; and mailed a recording, along with a note urging King to commit suicide, to the civil rights leader's wife.

Even more disturbing: One "imaginative" COINTELPRO suggestion was sending a fake letter from US to the Black Panthers warning that US planned to "ambush leaders of the BPP in Los Angeles." Antiwar activists were given oranges injected with powerful laxatives. Agents hired prostitutes known to have venereal disease to infect campus antiwar leaders.

The Constitutional Reckoning: Church Committee

This program remained in place until it was exposed to the public in 1971. COINTELPRO's activities were investigated in 1975 by the United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, called the "Church Committee" after its chairman, Senator Frank Church (D-Idaho); the committee declared COINTELPRO's activities were illegal and contrary to the Constitution.

The Attempted Fix That Didn't Work

Congress ultimately limited the term of the director of the FBI to ten years, to be served at the pleasure of the president, a safeguard designed to ensure that no single individual could again run the bureau indefinitely and without check.

This was the response to institutional corruption on a massive scale: a term limit. It was necessary, but it was not sufficient.

Modern Erosion of Trust

The fears that created these safeguards have returned. According to the most recent survey by Gallup, public trust in the FBI has fallen in recent years. Where 57 percent of U.S. adults said that the FBI was doing either an "excellent" or a "good" job in 2019, this fell to 44 percent in 2021.

If polls are to be believed, almost half the country now lacks trust in the FBI over concerns it is doing the bidding of one political party over another. That is a disaster for the bureau — unprecedented in magnitude — and could translate into an existential threat to one of the nation's most important agencies as political fault lines shift.

The specific trigger points vary depending on political perspective, but the underlying concern is consistent: the FBI is protecting its own and investigating its political enemies. Whether that perception is entirely accurate is less important than the fact that half the country now believes it.


Part III: The Present Crisis—Minneapolis ICE Shooting and the Pattern Repeating

The Sequence of Events

In January 2026, ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) agents shot and killed Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old mother of three and U.S. citizen, in Minneapolis. A joint investigation between the FBI and Minnesota's Bureau of Criminal Apprehension (BCA) was initially agreed to—the model that checks and balances.

Then the agreement was reversed. The U.S. Attorney's Office unilaterally decided the FBI would handle the investigation alone. State investigators were locked out of evidence, crime scenes, and interview materials in their own jurisdiction.

Why This Matters

This decision embodies every fear Congress had in 1908 and 1975:

Concentration of power: Federal law enforcement investigating itself, with no external oversight.

Removal of checks and balances: The normal system (federal and state investigators working together) was dismantled.

No transparency mechanism: State prosecutors cannot access the evidence or direct the investigation of officers operating in their territory.

The appearance of self-protection: An agency investigating one of its own, behind closed doors.

This is not a controversial observation. An expert on federal investigations explained that such cases are typically handled as joint investigations, with courts viewing state and federal governments as coequal. The reversal here was unusual and unexplained.

The Institutional Self-Perpetuation Problem

Here's what makes this case a turning point: when institutions are allowed to investigate themselves with no external oversight, and when they appear to prioritize protecting their own over justice, they lose the legitimacy that justifies their existence.

The FBI's power rests on public trust. When half the country no longer trusts it, the institution becomes a liability rather than an asset.


Part IV: The Future—The Inevitable Reckoning

The Pattern in History

Throughout American history, when unchecked power is exposed, the political system moves to dismantle or radically reform the institution that held it. This happened after Hoover's abuses. It will likely happen again.

Scenarios for the FBI's Future

Scenario 1: Structural Collapse Congress could determine that an FBI with this much power and this little external oversight is incompatible with democratic governance. Rather than trying to reform it further, Congress could return investigative authority to states and create smaller, specialized federal agencies with explicit jurisdictional boundaries and mandatory state participation in investigations of federal officers.

This would echo the original constitutional design—decentralized law enforcement with federal authority only for genuinely national crimes.

Scenario 2: Radical Restructuring The FBI could remain but be radically redesigned. State investigators would have unalterable rights to participate in investigations of federal officers within their jurisdiction. Leadership could be subject to bipartisan congressional confirmation. Investigative decisions could be subject to external judicial review.

The agency would survive, but as something fundamentally different—a specialized unit rather than a dominant force.

Scenario 3: Institutional Decline If the FBI continues operating as it has, public trust will erode further. Witnesses will become less cooperative. Sources will dry up. The organization will become increasingly ineffective at its core mission. It will still exist, but it will become a zombie institution—present but impotent, eventually replaced organically by other agencies.

Why None of These Outcomes Are Guaranteed

The danger is complacency. In the Hoover era, the FBI's abuses remained secret for decades because there was no mechanism to expose them. When they were finally exposed, reform was necessary.

But reform is fragile. The discoveries went well beyond Hoover, though, and well beyond the FBI. According to the Church Committee reports, every federal intelligence agency had engaged in widespread civil liberties abuses over the previous 30 years. The result was a new system of oversight—institutions like the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and the FISA courts that govern intelligence activities today. When they were created, these new mechanisms were supposed to stop the kinds of abuses that men like Hoover had engineered. Instead, it now looks as if they have come to function as rubber stamps for the expansive ambitions of the intelligence community.

The oversight mechanisms that were supposed to prevent future abuses became enablers of them.


Part V: The Consequences of Concentrated Investigative Power Without Accountability

Loss of Legitimacy

An agency that appears to protect its own will lose the public trust necessary for legitimacy. When legitimacy is lost, the entire institution becomes vulnerable.

Operational Effectiveness Decays

When trust diminishes, the FBI loses access to cooperation it used to have. When cooperation is lost, fewer crimes are solved.

A federal investigative agency without public cooperation cannot function. Witnesses won't come forward. Sources will disappear. The organization becomes self-defeating.

Democratic Accountability Disappears

An agency that investigates itself without external oversight becomes a tool of whoever holds executive power at any given moment. It ceases to be a law enforcement agency and becomes a political instrument.

History shows this is not speculative. It happened under Hoover. The mechanism was the same: the power to investigate combined with the absence of meaningful external checks.

Political Pressure for Radical Reform Becomes Inevitable

When institutions lose legitimacy, political movements arise to dismantle them. The more the FBI appears to serve power rather than justice, the stronger those movements will become.

The irony is profound: by refusing to submit to normal oversight (allowing state investigators to participate in investigations of federal officers), the FBI accelerates the conditions that will eventually force it to submit to much more radical restructuring.


Conclusion: The Question Before Us

The FBI was created because the original constitutional system—decentralized, state-based law enforcement—couldn't handle modern crime. But that creation came with a warning: Congress feared exactly this outcome.

For 117 years, that warning has been validated repeatedly. Every time the FBI has escaped external oversight, it has abused that freedom. Every time abuse was exposed, the political system has demanded reform.

The Minneapolis ICE shooting investigation is not exceptional. It's exemplary. It demonstrates the mechanism: federal power investigating itself, state oversight removed, the public locked out.

If history is any guide, this pattern will not persist indefinitely. Either the FBI will be reformed to require mandatory state participation in investigations of federal officers—restoring the checks and balances that work—or the institution will eventually be dismantled and replaced with something more compatible with democratic governance.

The choice is not whether change will come. It's whether that change will be deliberate and thoughtful, or forced and destructive.

Those who built the FBI 117 years ago worried that centralized federal investigative power would eventually corrupt. That worry is being validated in real time. The only question is whether the institution learns that lesson, or whether it learns it the hard way—by ceasing to exist.