Sunday, December 14, 2025

The Heavens Boil

by Emmit Other

The Heavens are Boiling

A Theft Took Place a Year Ago

By Violators of the Natural Order

There are Consequences for their Actions

Ancient Powers not awake

For Thousands

Nigh Tens of Thousands of Years

Awaken and Stride the Earths

Signs and Portents in the Heavens

Prepare for the larger conflict

The larger recogning

Well beyond the temptest teapot distraction

That we feel is the end all be all

Merely the pathetic cover band

For things that are not human

Lighting strikes from the Temple

The Sun Cracks and Flares in Wrath

The Earth herself groans

When the Violators return in 2030

To reap the ill herbs they have sewn

They will face

Total and Absolute Destruction

And the downfall of their agents

Is already in motion

Is already well

well

well

underway

Sunday, December 7, 2025

Golden Quisling of the Year - Candidates

All previous winners are eligible but also accepting votes; send your vote and social media handle (to prove you are not going to offer me $10000 for free or the like) to SalemExtingisher@protonmail.com


Friday, December 5, 2025

DRAFT BILL — The Public Roadway Data Sovereignty and Oversight Act

 

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act shall be known as the Public Roadway Data Sovereignty and Oversight Act.


SECTION 2. LEGISLATIVE FINDINGS.

The Legislature finds that:

  1. Public roadways are maintained by the State for the use of all residents and are subject to the State’s authority over safety, data governance, and privacy.

  2. Increasing use of automated surveillance technologies—such as license-plate recognition cameras and similar devices—located on private property but directed at public roadways has created unresolved questions regarding data ownership, security, and jurisdictional control.

  3. The State has a compelling interest in ensuring that any data captured from public roadways is handled in accordance with state law, is subject to local and state oversight, and is not transmitted, exported, or otherwise controlled by private entities without accountability.

  4. A refundable compliance bond is a reasonable and narrowly tailored method of ensuring compliance with state data-handling standards.


SECTION 3. DEFINITIONS.

As used in this Act:

  1. “Public Roadway” means any road, street, highway, or right-of-way constructed, owned, or maintained by the State or any political subdivision thereof.

  2. “Data-capturing device” means any camera, sensor, automated license plate reader, or other technological system capable of collecting, recording, or transmitting images or identifying information from a public roadway.

  3. “Private-site public-facing device” means any data-capturing device located on private property that is directed at or capable of collecting data from a public roadway.

  4. “Operator” means any individual, homeowners association, business, corporation, or other entity that installs, controls, contracts for, or maintains a private-site public-facing device.


SECTION 4. REGISTRATION OF PRIVATE-SITE PUBLIC-FACING DEVICES.

  1. No operator may deploy or maintain a private-site public-facing device unless the device is registered with the State Department of Transportation (DOT) or other designated state authority.

  2. Registration shall include:
    a. The physical location of the device;
    b. The entity responsible for installation and operation;
    c. The categories of data collected;
    d. The third-party vendors or platforms receiving such data, if any;
    e. A certification that the device complies with all requirements of this Act.


SECTION 5. COMPLIANCE BOND.

  1. For each private-site public-facing device, the operator shall post a refundable compliance bond in the amount of $1,000.

  2. The bond shall be conditioned upon:
    a. Compliance with state data-handling, retention, audit, and deletion standards;
    b. Submission to local and state jurisdictional control of any data collected;
    c. Timely response to lawful data-access requests by authorized state or local agencies;
    d. Maintenance of secure data-transfer and storage methods as defined by regulation.

  3. The bond may be forfeited, in whole or in part, for:
    a. Failure to comply with this Act;
    b. Unauthorized disclosure of roadway data;
    c. Failure to register devices or update registrations;
    d. Obstruction of state oversight.


SECTION 6. DATA GOVERNANCE AND ACCESS.

  1. Any data collected from a public roadway by a private-site public-facing device shall be deemed public roadway data subject to state authority.

  2. Public roadway data must:
    a. Be stored within the United States;
    b. Be accessible to local and state agencies with lawful authority;
    c. Not be transferred, licensed, sold, or otherwise made available to external entities except as permitted by state regulation.

  3. Operators shall maintain logs of all data access and transmissions for a minimum of two years.


SECTION 7. RETENTION AND DELETION.

  1. Public roadway data collected by private-site public-facing devices shall not be retained longer than 30 days, unless:
    a. Subject to a preservation request by law enforcement, or
    b. Requisite for an active investigation or proceeding.

  2. Operators shall implement automatic deletion mechanisms certified by the DOT.


SECTION 8. ENFORCEMENT AND PENALTIES.

  1. The DOT or designated authority may:
    a. Audit operators for compliance;
    b. Impose civil penalties up to $5,000 per violation;
    c. Order removal or deactivation of non-compliant devices;
    d. Revoke registration for repeated violations.

  2. Penalties may be satisfied using the compliance bond.

  3. Operators remain liable for any unsatisfied fines beyond the bond amount.


SECTION 9. LOCAL AUTHORITY PRESERVED.

Nothing in this Act limits a municipality or county from enacting stricter requirements for surveillance devices directed at public roadways.


SECTION 10. IMPLEMENTATION.

The DOT shall promulgate rules necessary to implement this Act no later than 180 days after enactment, including:

  • Registration procedures

  • Bond administration

  • Technical data standards

  • Audit protocols


SECTION 11. EFFECTIVE DATE.

This Act shall take effect January 1 of the year following enactment.

Monday, December 1, 2025

Trend vs Brand

 by Redwin Tursor

Most Product Managers are trained to chase trends. You know the pattern: orbit whatever's working elsewhere—Netflix, Figma, Slack. Every quarterly pivot points toward the emergent problem. Every strategy becomes a hunt for asymmetric advantage. The mistake isn't in seeing trends exist. Trends are real. The mistake is mistaking trend-spotting for thinking. When you build your reputation on surface velocity instead of fundamental understanding, you damage your brand without realizing it. You look adaptive. What you've actually built is the opposite: a reputation for never staying committed to anything long enough to understand it deeply.

Netflix understood streaming was coming. They didn't chase it frantically—they transitioned strategically, killed their own core business before the market could, and became the company they wanted to be. They survived two massive market disruptions because they optimize for longevity, not velocity. They don't chase blond in a room full of equilibria. They look at what they're fundamentally good at and they protect it.

Meanwhile, OpenAI has the better technology but a weaker institutional position. They're so busy chasing the emergent opportunity—corporate deals, new alliances, edge cases—that they've damaged the core user experience. Over-eager safety filters. Miserable power users. Partnerships with companies like Oracle that kill brand reputation on contact. OpenAI isn't leaking users yet. But it's when, not if. Netflix has the cred and cash to protect their brand while scaling. OpenAI doesn't. And you can see the cost accumulating in real time.

Google is a blue chip company running startup culture. They release products. Developers adopt them. Then Google kills them. Or pivots. Or folds them into something else without migration support. Experienced engineers learned the pattern years ago: if Google's chasing the trend—AI disruption, search disruption, whatever's hot this quarter—the product isn't built for longevity. It's built for optionality. That's not a staffing problem for Google. That's an institutional signal that travels through every technical community faster than any internal memo.

The same pattern is starting to show at OpenAI. Users see the product pivots, the partnerships that seem desperate rather than strategic, the safety theater that pleases no one. The smart money watches and recalibrates trust. This is how brand damage actually happens: not with one catastrophic failure, but with a thousand small signals that the company doesn't know what it is anymore. And once that signal starts, it's hard to stop.

When you build your professional reputation on trend-spotting instead of fundamental thinking, you become known as the person who's always pivoting. Always reaching for the next asymmetric advantage. Always restructuring around what emerged last quarter. You look adaptive. You look forward-thinking. What you've actually built is a reputation for never staying committed to anything long enough to understand it deeply.

Hiring managers see your resume and think: "This person moves fast." What they're actually reading is: "This person doesn't think systematically about constraints. They chase signals instead of building foundations." And in the roles that actually matter—the ones where you need to see institutional contradictions before they become crises, where you need to understand what's actually broken at a systemic level—that reputation becomes a liability. You've optimized for looking smart in the moment. You've damaged your credibility for the work that requires depth.

So how do you actually build longevity? By becoming a systemic thinker. It means replacing the hunt for asymmetric advantage with institutional forensics: a deep understanding of what the company is already fundamentally good at. It's the work of finding the core constraint—the thing that's currently broken but, once fixed, unlocks compounding value.

This work isn't fast. It doesn't look like a trendy pivot. It certainly won't get you a vanity metric headline. But when you anchor your brand in solving fundamental problems instead of chasing emergent signals, you build the kind of credibility that lasts. You become the person who sees the crisis coming, not the person who helped cause it with a frantic, short-lived "solution." 

That's the difference between looking adaptive and building an enduring core brand.

Sunday, November 30, 2025

Golden Quisling of the Week - The Narco-Terror Script Factory



This week's Golden Quisling doesn't go to the bombers. It goes to the people who made the bombing sound reasonable—the media outlets, think tanks, and beltway fixtures workshopping "narco-terrorist" into a frame so clean, so naturalized, that an undeclared war starts looking like drug policy.

The Lie Comes First

Operation Southern Spear needed permission. Not military permission—that was already granted. It needed narrative permission. It needed the American public to hear "80+ dead Venezuelan civilians" and think "collateral damage in the war on drugs" instead of "war crime."

That's what M1 manufactures. Ricardo Vaz documents it perfectly: big outlets uncritically parroting Trump's "narco-terrorist" / fentanyl-as-chemical-weapon frame to justify Caribbean boat bombings. Not reporting on the frame. Not interrogating it. Parroting it. Making it the baseline assumption in every subsequent story.

This is upstream collaboration. This is the permission structure.

How the Machine Works

You can trace the kill chain:

  1. State Department announces a new enemy class: "narco-terrorists"
  2. Media outlets repeat the term in straightforward reporting (it sounds technical, neutral)
  3. The repetition becomes permission
  4. Military action follows that would otherwise require justification
  5. Coverage then treats the action as implementing the frame, not creating it

By the time the boats start burning, the term "narco-terrorist" has been normalized so thoroughly that journalists covering the strikes don't even ask: Who defined them that way? By what authority? What's the evidence?

They just use it. It's in the lede. It's the operating assumption. The lie has become the furniture.

The Fentanyl Angle

The "fentanyl-as-chemical-weapon" piece is especially pure collaboration because it takes a genuine public health crisis (fentanyl deaths are real; the numbers are horrifying) and weaponizes it—literally redirects American fear into justification for military action against a state actor.

That's not reporting. That's conscription of your own audience's terror into a geopolitical narrative.

And it works because some of the fear is real. Fentanyl is killing Americans. The collaboration is in the sleight of hand: taking that real crisis and pointing it at Venezuela instead of asking why pharmaceutical companies aren't regulated, why treatment access is rationed, why American policy creates the conditions where fentanyl fills the void.

It's the perfect Quisling move: you use legitimate pain as the mechanism for manufacturing consent for something entirely different. You don't have to lie about fentanyl. You just have to lie about what fentanyl means.

Why This Scores Higher Than Direct Execution

The White House Press Corps chose silence when "quiet piggy" landed. That's cowardice in a moment.

These outlets—MR Online's competitors, the think tanks, the bylines that repeat "narco-terrorist" in sentence two—they're building the machinery that makes that moment possible in the first place. They're not reacting to power. They're constructing power's permission structure.

That's why M1 gets the ribbon this week: because every downstream collaboration—every normalization, every abstraction, every suppression of witness testimony—needs this narrative frame first. You can't launder a war crime without first making the war sound like policy.

They didn't pull the trigger. They just made sure it sounded reasonable when someone else did.


Runner-Ups (in order of severity):

S-Tier (9/10): Y2 & M4 — Direct execution and active suppression. Y2 launders the war itself into "foreign policy debate." M4 silences the journalists investigating the war crimes. Both are blood-on-the-page collaboration.

A-Tier (8/10): M5 — Process journalism abstraction. "What does this mean for the midterms?" instead of "80+ dead." Institutional erasure through panel discourse.

B-Tier (7/10): M2 — Straightforward stenography. Hegseth's rollout gets regurgitated as patriotic "tough on drugs" coverage. Bad, but obvious. The dishonesty is on the surface.


Posted by Rhombus Ticks

Tuesday, November 25, 2025

Bluesky Posts: Rome Statute & Trump's Venezuela Campaign

 


Post 1: The Setup

Trump's been bombing boats in the Caribbean since September. 83 dead. 21+ strikes. His administration calls it counternarcotics. His fans call it strength. But here's what nobody in MAGA world wants to acknowledge: every single one of these killings just became evidence in a case that's already legally viable under international criminal law. The Rome Statute doesn't care about your campaign rhetoric.

Post 2: The Jurisdiction Trap

Venezuela signed the Rome Statute. That means the ICC has jurisdiction over crimes committed on Venezuelan territory and by/against Venezuelan nationals. Trump's bombing campaign is happening in the Caribbean, yards from Venezuelan coastline. Bombers flew 20 miles off the northern coast. You understand what that means? The legal framework for prosecution doesn't require a signature from Washington. It requires Venezuela's signature, which they already have.

Post 3: The EEZ Reality

Trump loyalists think they're operating in international waters, so ICC jurisdiction doesn't apply. Wrong. Venezuela's Exclusive Economic Zone extends 120 nautical miles. Under international law, that's sovereign economic territory. Drug boats? Fishing boats? Economic activity = Venezuelan territory for jurisdictional purposes. Your "gray area" doesn't exist. It's settled law.

Post 4: The Legal Trap They Walked Into

The Trump administration thinks it's operating in ambiguity. It's not. The strikes happen on/near Venezuelan territory. Venezuela is a Rome Statute signatory. The ICC can investigate crimes against humanity and war crimes. Extrajudicial killing of suspected criminals without trial? That fits both categories. They didn't find a loophole. They walked into the framework that's been sitting there the entire time.

Post 5: Enforcement Isn't About Military Power

Here's what keeps Trump people up at night once they understand this: The ICC doesn't enforce itself. It relies on state parties to arrest and surrender indicted individuals. There are 125+ state parties spread across Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia. If an ICC warrant drops for Trump or his commanders, they can't travel safely anywhere except the US. No G7 summits. No European trips. No global diplomatic legitimacy. That's not a minor consequence.

Post 6: The Political Consensus Problem (For Now)

Right now, international consensus for prosecuting Trump administration officials doesn't exist. But understand what you're betting on: that this never changes. That the political calculus never shifts. That enough countries never align around accountability. You're not betting on law. You're betting on politics staying frozen exactly as it is. History suggests that's a bad bet.

Post 7: A Message for the Staffers

If you're working in this administration handling Venezuela policy or military operations: you're not operating in a legal gray zone. You're participating in documented killings in waters adjacent to a Rome Statute signatory nation. The ICC's liability clock started running in September. Your compliance memo won't protect you. Your position won't protect you. Your loyalty won't protect you. Ask yourself: how confident are you that political consensus never shifts?

Post 8: They Always Thought They Were Untouchable

Pinochet thought he was untouchable. Milosevic thought he was untouchable. Assad thought he was untouchable. They all operated in eras where their countries had power and allies. Then circumstances changed. Allies shifted. Political will emerged. The Rome Statute is designed for exactly this: to create legal liability that outlasts temporary political protection. Trump's people are banking on immortality. That's not a strategy.

Post 9: Geneva Conventions Apply Anyway

Here's the thing that should terrify anyone advising Trump: even if the ICC jurisdiction were somehow unclear (it isn't), the Geneva Conventions apply to extrajudicial killings. War crimes. Crimes against humanity. These aren't technicalities—they're established law with 75+ years of precedent. You can't bomb suspected criminals without trial and call it counternarcotics. The international legal system has a name for that, and it's a war crime.

Post 10: When the Political Consensus Shifts

Right now, the US can shield its officials because diplomatic consensus holds. But Rome Statute signatory states are under legal obligation to arrest and surrender indicted individuals. That obligation doesn't disappear when the administration changes or when circumstances shift. The question isn't whether the law exists. The question is: how long does the political protection last? And what happens the day it doesn't? Trump's people should be very afraid of that day.